Benjamin Netanyahu has dominated Israeli politics for nearly two decades, prevailing over his rivals with a combination of ruthlessness and skill to become the longest-serving prime minister in the country’s history.
But on Monday, the wily politician was forced to reverse course – at least temporarily – on his far-right government’s campaign to reform the justice system, after plunging the country into its biggest crisis in decades. After months of protests, Netanyahu bowed to public pressure after his decision to fire his defense minister for criticizing the plan sparked a new wave of unrest and a general strike that threatened to paralyze the nation.
As news of the dismissal spread late Sunday, tens of thousands of Israelis took to the streets across the country to vent their anger. Soon, Israel was closing in, with trade unions calling on workers to disable tools, and dissent sent through state institutions, with banks, embassies, ports, and even Ben Gurion Airport suspended.
Netanyahu finally agreed late Monday evening to delay the reform until the next parliamentary session, after keeping the country on hold for hours. However, even though the franchise prompted the unions to call off the strike, the demonstrations continued into Monday night, with organizers warning they would continue until the changes were finally rejected.
“The State of Israel is wounded and in pain,” said opposition leader Yair Lapid after Netanyahu’s partial retraction. “We don’t need to bandage the wounds but to treat them properly.”
The seeds of the crisis – described by some as the worst in Israel’s 75-year history – were sown after parliamentary elections in November, and quickly turned into a battle for the soul of the Jewish state.
Netanyahu, battling corruption charges and shunned by key former partners he removed, and his ultra-Orthodox allies have allied himself with far-right groups, led by the ultra-nationalists who were once Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. The gambit gave a four-seat majority, returning a divisive Netanyahu to power after 18 months in opposition.
One of the issues that united the coalition, the most right-wing in Israel’s history, was a burning desire to rein in the judiciary. Radical reform—which would give the government and its allies greater power in appointing judges and limit the Supreme Court’s ability to overturn legislation—has become a priority.
Supporters argued that the changes were necessary to rein in an overactive court that used powers not officially granted to advance a left-wing, partisan agenda.
But critics saw the reform as a fundamental threat to Israeli checks and balances that would weaken protections for minorities, foster corruption and harm the economy.
Opposition to the plans sent hundreds of thousands of Israelis onto the streets in protest. Crucially, they also paid thousands of Army reservists to threaten to refuse them training.
This was what prompted Defense Minister Yoav Gallant to issue the warning that led to his dismissal: that the polarization resulting from the planned reform posed a “clear, immediate and tangible threat” to Israel’s national security.
Some observers regard Netanyahu’s decision to allow his government to embark on such a drastic path as part of an ongoing development since he was indicted on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust in 2020. Netanyahu has always denied the charges, describing them as a politically motivated witch-hunt.
Following his indictment, said Yohanan Plesner, president of the Israel Democracy Institute, a think-tank, Netanyahu has become “more belligerent and aggressive toward the Israeli judiciary, law enforcement agencies, and the law.” He also increasingly allied himself with the most marginalized and extremist elements of Israeli society.
Others see the plan to bring about sweeping changes through parliament within a few months of his taking office as a miscalculation that underscores how much control Netanyahu’s associates – rather than him – have at the wheel of government.
“I don’t think he’s changed,” said Aviv Bochinsky, a former Netanyahu adviser turned political analyst. “Perhaps after this victory in the elections, he thought that he was stronger than him.”
Shalom Lipner, who worked under Netanyahu and is now a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council think tank, said the prime minister chose to “ride the tiger’s back” by betting that he could control Ben Gvir and Smotrich.
But the result, he said, is that the far-right alliance, which has already raised tensions with Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and strained relations with Israel’s neighbours, risks undermining Netanyahu’s legacy: stability, a booming economy, and improved relations with Arab states. That the veteran prime minister has been courting for a long time.
Itamar Ben Gvir, left, and Bezalel Smotrich were once ultra-nationalists but now hold positions in the government. © Gil Cohen-Magen / AFP / Getty Images
Despite the turmoil and coalition tensions that have surfaced in recent days, analysts said it is too early to write off the government, because neither Netanyahu nor his partners have better alternatives.
Right-wing parties hardly get another chance to get 64 (seats in Israel’s 120-seat parliament) in the near future. “Netanyahu knows that, and they should know that,” said Roni Rimon, a political consultant who ran the campaign that launched the beginning of Netanyahu’s second term in 2009.
Plesner cautioned against underestimating Netanyahu, noting that the Likud leader was unlikely to face any challenges from within his own ranks. ,” He said.
While Plesner was certain that the judicial reform legislation “in terms of scope and the manner in which they wanted to pass it was dead”, if key components were retained in a later push when Parliament returned in May, the fight would begin again.
“This means that we are not entering internal peace within Israeli society, but rather a ceasefire for a month and a half.”